Being Pro-Israel in the Most Antisemitic Country
I’m Irish, and I refuse to be silent about Ireland’s Jew-hatred.
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This is a guest essay by Jamie O Mahony, a university student in Strasbourg, France.
You can also listen to the podcast version of this essay on Apple Podcasts, YouTube Music, YouTube, and Spotify.
As a 21-year-old Irishman, I have been filled with shame at the approach my nation has taken towards Israel in the aftermath of the sadistic and barbaric attacks and kidnappings on October 7th.
The last few weeks alone have shown where Ireland is at. The public broadcaster withdrew from the popular Eurovision Song Contest due to Israel being allowed to participate, and Dublin City Council attempted to rename Herzog Park, seeking to erase Jewish history and Ireland’s closest link to Israel.
I may be unusual for an Irishman. Before October 7th, I had visited Israel, had Jewish friends, and followed events there. I was a child who was obsessed with 20th-century military history, and my father told me about Israel’s 1967 and 1973 wars, and how my great-grandfather fought in the region for the British army during World War I.
Dad also had a Jewish friend, which made us different; many people in Ireland have never met a Jewish person due to the tiny population. I also lived in Vienna for part of my youth, so I encountered the “Stolpersteine”1 in remembrance of families killed in the Holocaust, and I lived not far from a synagogue where a Palestinian killed two people in 1981. Vienna is a contrast to Ireland, with its strong political support for Israel. Zionist pioneer Theodor Herzl also wrote Der Judenstaat (“The Jewish State”)2 in Vienna and was buried there in 1904, before being moved to Israel in 1949.
After October 7th, I was horrified not only by the heinous violence, but also the ambivalent response and relativising by much of the Western world. In November 2023, I attended a debate featuring the brilliant British barrister and lawyer Natasha Hausdorff, where I saw a member of the Irish Parliament fail to condemn Hamas (a month later he called for intifada); the event ended when a member of the audience began to scream, “We will repeat October 7th again and again, Allahu Akbar!”
From that point, I began speaking publicly, writing articles and joining a political campaign to express my pro-Israel views. For me, Israel represents so much light and goodness, including but not limited to the political and economic freedom for its citizens, high quality of life, Western values, success in medicine and tech, or its charity and benevolence to countries that have even waged war against it.
I also see it as vital and legitimate that Jews have their own nation-state and home, like so many other peoples in the world, including the Irish. The leftist and jihadist collaboration to demonise and destroy Israel has been shocking. In the last two years, we have seen a global hysteria.
I learned from figures, such as Russian author Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn and former President of the Czech Republic Václav Havel, that it is vital to stand up to the crowd for what you believe in, even if it means facing significant opposition. I have had people I once called friends disavow me. It is also unpleasant how quickly strangers are to form awful conclusions about me.
In March 2025, I established a branch of the Students Supporting Israel group on my university campus. In the weeks after, I was removed from my role as chairman of the Debate Society; my relationship ended and I could not go on campus due to death threats. The Debate Society and friends deleted all the pictures we had online, literally trying to erase history. I was able to manage the final month of university, but unfortunately, these social fallings-out are something I’ve become used to.
However, I would never alter myself or my beliefs to win approval from others; that is truly a cowardly and weak thing to do. I hate seeing it in others. As a child, my father brought me to Speakers’ Corner in Hyde Park, London. He instilled in me the belief that I have a right and a duty to express myself. American abolitionist and orator Frederick Douglas famously said, “I prefer to be true to myself, even at the hazard of incurring the ridicule of others, rather than to be false, and to incur my own abhorrence.”
Ireland is fuelled with antisemitic and anti-Zionist content, especially across academia. Ireland’s universities, cultural institutions, and much of its public discourse have normalised hostility toward Israel to such an extent that openly antisemitic ideas now pass as respectable opinion.
The academic framing of Israel has become ideological rather than scholarly: Students are taught to view the Jewish state exclusively through a “colonial” lens that erases Jewish indigeneity, the Middle East’s historical complexity, and the long Palestinian record of rejected peace offers. This is not analysis; it is dogma.
It is reinforced by the way Irish educational materials and campus culture handle Jewish history. School books introduce Auschwitz as a prisoners of war camp and describe Jesus as having been “born in Palestine.” Judaism is framed as inherently violent, while Christianity and Islam aim for “peace and justice.” Historical Israel is omitted entirely, as if Jews appeared in the modern era without any historical connection to their land.
On campuses, conduct that was once considered unthinkable is treated as normal, with student encampments glorifying Hamas. Academic staff frequently reinforce the problem by platforming individuals who use Holocaust inversion, by repeating legal accusations against Israel without scrutiny, such as the International Court of Justice’s “genocide” claim, and by refusing to acknowledge Hamas atrocities or the constant incitement within Palestinian society. When a major investigation like the Dinah Project exposed the mass sexual violence of October 7th, Irish academics who previously championed women’s rights simply ignored it.
Outside of academia, it is just as bad. Last year, an Israeli woman who was about to go into labour was harassed for her nationality by a midwife. All of this has produced a climate where anti-Zionism is not simply prevalent; it’s treated as an unquestionable moral truth. When an entire community believes that Jewish self-determination is uniquely illegitimate, it inevitably spills over into negative attitudes toward Jews themselves.
Ireland doesn’t want to confront its antisemitism, as clearly evident in the behaviour of Ireland’s political leadership, its media environment, and the broader public conversation. The government has adopted positions toward Israel that go well beyond criticism and enter the realm of ideological hostility.
Recognition of a Palestinian state with no defined borders or functioning government was not a diplomatic act; it was a symbolic gesture intended to send a message of opposition to Israel and reward Hamas. Joining South Africa’s case at the International Court of Justice, a case built upon accusations that echo old antisemitic blood libels, was driven by political posturing rather than fact.
Irish leaders use the word “genocide” casually, without reference to Hamas’ conduct, the context of the war, or the obligations of international law. When Fine Gael (centre-right, liberal-conservative, Christian democratic political party in Ireland) refused to vote for a motion condemning the October 7th massacre and demanding the release of Israeli hostages at the European People’s Party Congress, the message was unmistakable. This was despite an 8-year-old Irish girl, Emily Hand, being kidnapped from Israel into Gaza and held hostage for six weeks.
Former Irish President Michael Higgins exemplified the national reluctance to acknowledge any of this. He repeatedly invented theories about Israel (claiming Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu wanted settlements in Egypt), publicly supported the Iranian regime, and even attended a Holocaust commemoration despite being asked not to by survivors.
Yet there is almost no domestic criticism of him. His successor Catherine Connolly, who was elected in October, calls Israel a state of “Jewish supremacy” and says that Hamas is a “part of the fabric of the Palestinian people.” In the last few weeks, Connolly has greeted Hamas puppet Greta Thunberg and a member of “Kneecap,” the heinous Irish Republican Army-loving trio who have allegedly shown support for Hamas, Hezbollah, and the murder of Conservative members of Irish Parliament; they claim it is satire.
In many ways, this is a full-circle moment, since it was the Irish Republican Army’s relationship with the Palestine Liberation Organization that initiated this anti-Israel sentiment from the 1960s onwards. The same pattern holds across media: Journalists publish Israel boycott lists, turn a blind eye when Israeli or Jewish figures are harassed, and treat Hamas talking points as unquestionable truth.
My country’s unfortunate pathology to always desire victimhood also plays a part. Irish people love to see themselves as oppressed and thus will seek to identify with the “weaker” side, regardless of the morality attached. Recently deceased Irish philosopher Manchán Magan tried to push against this notion, stating: “We need to shed our old skins of victimhood and colonialism.” Ireland does not confront its antisemitism because doing so would require admitting that hostility to Israel has become a defining feature of national identity.
This obsession, which some Israeli officials have compared to the atmosphere of 1930s Europe, is treated as a moral virtue rather than a prejudice. As long as that continues, there will be no reckoning.
In September 2024, the government chose to reopen an embassy in Tehran. This shameful action came at a moment when its relationship with Israel had collapsed so dramatically that the Israeli embassy withdrew from Dublin entirely. Iran is the world’s foremost state sponsor of terrorism and antisemitism. It finances Hamas, Hezbollah, Palestinian Islamic Jihad, and other groups that openly call for the murder of Jews. It is responsible for the destabilisation of the Middle East and has repeatedly threatened regional governments, including the West’s closest allies.
Despite this, Fine Gael welcomed the Iranian ambassador into their party conference (after disinviting the Israeli ambassador), and he was hosted in the Irish Parliament. To expand diplomatic ties while Iran is at its most aggressive in decades is baffling. Even when Hezbollah murdered an Irish soldier in Lebanon, Private Seán Rooney, there was no political anger directed at Tehran.
President Higgins’ letter to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian stated that Higgins looked “forward to our two countries continuing to maintain ever-deeper dialogue and co-operation” — which was truly bizarre. This is not neutrality; it is selective moral blindness. The decision to deepen relations with Iran while severing them with Israel speaks volumes about Ireland’s diplomatic priorities and the ideological narratives now driving them.
The effects of this climate are severe and deeply personal for those who experience it. Jewish and Israeli students often feel physically unsafe. There have been assaults, spitting incidents and targeted harassment. Many Jewish students no longer feel comfortable wearing a Star of David or speaking Hebrew in public. Israeli visitors are shouted at or attacked in the capital.
In July 2025, I saw that postmodernist faux “historian” Ilan Pappé was speaking in Limerick, my home city. Pappé openly supports the violent destruction of Israel. He says in interviews that he hopes for the “end of zionism.” Normally I would not bother with the Ireland-Palestine Solidarity Campaign, but with a relatively big figure like Pappé coming, I wouldn’t have felt comfortable if I did not take the opportunity to challenge him. I called two pro-Israel friends and we subtly entered the room, not exposing our beliefs. We wanted to intellectually challenge the speaker, not scream and vandalise as the nihilistic “pro-Palestinian” crowd so often does.
I waited 45 minutes through his ridiculous talk and then, when it came to the Q&A, I raised my hand. I first asked him why he had spent years using the benefit of free speech to bring about the destruction of the only country in the Middle East where he had this right. I said that in Syria or Saudi, he would have died in a dungeon. I mentioned that he also must hate Israel because it is a capitalist success story, and he is a communist.
At this stage I was about to ask a final question, facing boos and shouts from the audience, when I wanted to display my Israeli flag. As I took it out, a man launched himself at me and tried to take it from me. We wrestled and shouted for a few moments, before I was dragged out of the room by six men. It continued on the street outside.
It was all filmed by my friend Isaac and went viral, with me doing an interview on GB News a week later. It was such a visceral display of the intolerance embodied by the other side. For asking a question and peacefully displaying a flag, someone felt it okay to behave in this way.
Ireland’s Chief Rabbi Yoni Wieder said the incident underscored how discourse around Israel is increasingly “marked by aggression and attempts to silence dissent” in Ireland to the point that some believe they’re “above the law,” leading to “intimidation and violence, even in broad daylight, in an academic lecture hall.”
The hostility is not theoretical; it is lived. Professionally, the consequences are equally damaging. Doctors have proposed boycotting Israeli pharmaceuticals, a stance that would put patients at risk, and academics warn colleagues against collaborating with Israelis for fear of professional repercussions. Staff who express a moderate view, such as condemning Hamas, risk social isolation and formal complaints. Those who defend Jewish colleagues, even if they are not Jewish themselves, are labelled apologists for “genocide” and treated as pariahs.
The emotional impact is profound. Jewish and Israeli members of Irish universities are repeatedly shown that they cannot expect empathy, that their history will be distorted, and that their suffering will be minimised or openly mocked. When Israeli hostages were discovered dead, there is no moment of silence. When Hamas commits atrocities, the loudest response is often denial. The message delivered by this environment is painfully clear: Jewish identity is not considered worthy of respect, and Jewish voices are not considered worthy of hearing.
For Ireland, it represents a moral failing of historic proportions.
As Jewish-Soviet writer and journalist Vasily Grossman wrote, a society’s welfare at large will decline when Jews are persecuted, and we Irish need to remember this. He also said: “Antisemitism is always a means rather than an end. It is a mirror for the failings of individuals, social structures, and state systems. Tell me what you accuse the Jews of; I’ll tell you what you’re guilty of.”
This essay also appeared in Nicole Lampert’s Diary from the Diaspora.
Concrete blocks measuring 10 centimeters by 10 centimeters which are laid into the pavement in front of the last voluntarily chosen places of residence of the victims of the Nazis
A pamphlet published in 1896, considered one of the most important texts of modern Zionism
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Thank you for your truth telling, moral clarity and courage 💪🩵
This is a very good and warmly welcomed article. My position on this board is well known, with having a Jewish father and a Catholic Irish mother. But even after my father's death when I was only fourteen, my mother continued to be an avid supporter of Israel. She had a framed photo of Moshe Dyan on her bedroom wall and was in the front row at 'Fiddler on the Roof' when Topol announced he was off to fight in the Six day War. My mother visited Israel several times and I followed in her path too, in fact becoming a Reuters war correspondent in the final years of the Lebanese civil war.
Being pro-Israel was in fact quite widespread for my mother's generation. A small nation of people who had suffered a lifetime of persecution, surrounded by various hostile Arab nations and also with the British as an enemy pre-1947, the plight of Israeli Jews and the Irish was almost identical.
It wasn't until the rise of Arafat and him identifying with the IRA that a rise in pro-Palestinianism was seen in Ireland. Many Irish have swallowed this false 'victim card' playing, and that sadly remains the case today.