The new Canada is unsafe for Jews.
I have spent the last two and a half years watching the country my grandparents chose unmake itself.
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This is a guest essay by Eli Kowaz, a Middle East analyst and writer focused on Israeli politics, U.S.-Israel relations, and the fractures inside the Jewish world.
You can also listen to the podcast version of this essay on Apple Podcasts, YouTube Music, YouTube, and Spotify.
Two decades ago, on the soccer field at my Vancouver public high school, a friend of mine told me, “They are right, you Jews are so cheap.”
I think I pushed him, and we moved on.
I remember the comment because it was the only example of antisemitism I could produce from an entire Canadian childhood. I produced it as an anomaly.
On my mother’s side, my grandmother, Sally Rogow, came from Brooklyn and my grandfather, Robert Rogow, from Newark, and they moved to Vancouver in the 1960s. He taught labor relations; she pioneered teacher preparation for blind and visually impaired children at the University of British Columbia.
They were among the first Jewish families in Burnaby. My grandfather was invited as a founding member of the Faculty of Labor Relations at Simon Fraser University.
The Canada they had chosen was not without antisemitism. My mother’s sister Fern was beaten up at a junior high school by teens looking for her “horns.” My mother was told as a child that her family had killed Christ and that the Jews had started the Vietnam War. The accusation about the Vietnam War was particular to her family’s arrival, since they were American. The “horns” and the Christ-killing were older material in wider circulation.
The decades after that were the period of integration. Leonard Cohen, Barbara Frum, and Mordecai Richler became part of the country’s cultural and civic fabric, and the Jewish presence in Canadian arts, business, and public life was something the country had stopped having to think about. By the time my friend said what he said, the old material had been quietly retired. What he was repeating had not been generated by Canada.
I have spent the last two and a half years watching the country my grandparents chose unmake itself. Canada is not the only country where this is happening, but it is the one I know best.
The posters were what I noticed first. I was visiting in the weeks after October 7th, and on runs down Cambie Street I started to see the small white sheets put up on telephone poles by people I did not know, with the faces of hostages on them. Many of them had been torn down. The argument offered for the tearing was that the posters were Israeli propaganda. Most of the tearing was done on sight, before anyone had read what they were tearing.
In April 2024, Charlotte Kates, the coordinator of Samidoun (a pro-Palestinian network) stood on the front steps of the Vancouver Art Gallery and told several hundred people that Hamas and the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (both well-documented terrorist organizations) were resistance fighters and heroes, and led them in a chant of “Long live October 7th!”
The Vancouver Police Department opened a criminal investigation. The BC Crown declined to lay charges. The Canadian government listed Samidoun as a terrorist entity six months later, after a different Vancouver rally where the crowd burned the Canadian flag. The Kates speech was not charged.
Then there was the clothing store. It was a place I had been to many times, where you went because you needed a shirt and the staff knew you. On the cashier counter was a small box, the kind that holds the change you do not take, with a sign on it soliciting donations for the people of Gaza during the “genocide.”
Except the word was not in quotation marks. The store was not staking out a contested position; it was acting as if the question had already been answered for everyone. The framing had arrived already settled, from somewhere I could not see. The same kind of arrival showed up at a 10K I ran at the University of British Columbia, where another runner crossed the finish line beside me carrying a Palestinian flag.
A month after Charlotte Kates’ speech, on the night of May 30, 2024, someone walked up the front steps of Schara Tzedeck — the city’s oldest synagogue, founded in 1907, a synagogue I grew up in — poured accelerant on the doors, and set them on fire. A passerby alerted the congregation. A member took off his jacket and beat out the flames before they reached the second storey.
Rabbi Andrew Rosenblatt told reporters at the scene that what struck him was the lack of effort to be discreet. “Somebody decided it was okay to just walk up these stairs,” he said. The fire was set at the front, at street level, on Oak Street.
The clothing store had not arrived at “the genocide in Gaza” through deliberation. The framing had arrived from somewhere upstream, in a register the store had no incentive to question. The shape was the same as the proposition my friend had repeated to me 20 years earlier, absorbed from somewhere he could not see and offered back to me to confirm. What had changed was the saturation, and the institutions that had begun to operate inside it.
On my most recent visit to Vancouver, I went to the Jewish Community Centre to work out and was questioned at the front entrance by police. The security at my synagogue resembled what I had only seen in Europe. It was foreign to me, in the city where I grew up.
I do not want to litigate the “anti-Zionism-versus-antisemitism” distinction here, only to note that the Vancouver Art Gallery speech praised the killers of October 7th, not the contours of Israeli policy. The clothing store donation was for “the genocide in Gaza,” a phrase whose deployment requires that the question of whether one is occurring has already been answered in the answerer’s favor. The hostage posters were the faces of kidnapped civilians. Whatever the man who poured accelerant on the doors of Schara Tzedeck believed himself to be doing, the building he chose to set on fire was a synagogue.
The institutional version was visible long before the second anniversary of October 7th. Fred Hahn, the president of the largest public-sector union in Ontario, posted within hours of the massacre that he was inspired by “the power of resistance around the globe.” His union represented teachers, hospital workers, university employees. Eighty Jewish members of CUPE (the largest union in British Columbia) filed human-rights complaints against him. The national executive board asked him to step down in August 2024.
He declined. He stayed on as president of CUPE Ontario for more than two years, and announced in February of this year that he would not seek re-election. His own union could not remove him.
Toronto Mayor Olivia Chow called Israel’s conduct in Gaza “genocide” at the National Council of Canadian Muslims gala last November. She has provided Canada’s largest city the mayoral legitimization Zohran Mamdani has provided New York City’s “anti-Zionists.”
The Atlantic published a detailed account of the broader institutional picture early this year by the Canadian journalist Jesse Brown. He documents Jewish doctors quietly dropping their affiliations from the University of Toronto’s faculty of medicine, Jewish journalists leaving the Toronto Star, Jewish cultural figures disinvited from festivals, and the Toronto District School Board adopting an “anti-Palestinian racism” framework.
A professor of geriatric medicine at the University of British Columbia who resigned in 2024 over the faculty’s refusal to address antisemitic harassment was told by his dean to submit his complaint through the DEI office; he searched the university’s equity and inclusion website for the words antisemitism and Jew and found neither.
In February of this year, a coalition of anti-Israel groups including Canada BDS launched a coordinated campaign to strip accreditation from 17 Jewish summer camps across the country. The campaign called the camps’ support for Israel “support for a genocidal state” and urged provincial camping associations to de-certify them. The Ontario Camps Association, which represents about 350 camps, condemned the campaign as antisemitic.
The Office of the Special Envoy on Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism commissioned a survey of antisemitism in Ontario K-12 schools, published in 2025. The survey covered the 16 months from October 2023 to January 2025: 781 incidents reported by 599 Jewish parents.
More than 40 percent involved Nazi salutes, “Heil Hitler” chants, or statements that Hitler should have finished his work — content unrelated to Israel. Nearly one in six incidents were initiated or approved by a teacher, or occurred during a school-sanctioned activity. About half the cases reported to school authorities went uninvestigated.
B’nai Brith Canada, a Canadian Jewish service organization and advocacy group, documented 6,800 antisemitic incidents in the country in 2025 — 18.6 per day, the highest annual total since the organization began its audit in 1982, and the third consecutive record year.
What my friend had repeated to me 20 years earlier was no longer an anomaly.
Prime Minister of Canada Mark Carney’s decision earlier this year to dismantle the envoy’s office did not happen in a vacuum. The Canadian Muslim population more than doubled between 2001 and 2021, from roughly 2 percent to around 5 percent of the country, concentrated in electorally consequential suburban ridings. Polling shows that classical antisemitic beliefs find substantially higher support within that community than within the non-Jewish Canadian population.
Robert Brym’s 2024 survey found that 52 percent of Canadian Muslims with an opinion hold negative attitudes toward Jews — and on the proposition that Jews are “largely to blame for the negative consequences of globalization,” 48 percent agreed, compared to 5 percent of non-Jewish Canadians.
The Liberal Party has catered to antisemitism in its electoral coalition. The party’s recalibrations on Israel over the last two and a half years — its evolving position on “Palestine” statehood recognition, the prime minister’s campaign statements on Israeli conduct in Gaza, the dissolution of the antisemitism envoy in February — track an electoral math in which one minority’s votes are deemed indispensable and the other minority’s votes are deemed acceptable losses. That math is the precondition for everything else.
In February, Carney’s government eliminated the Office of the Special Envoy on Preserving Holocaust Remembrance and Combatting Antisemitism and folded its responsibilities into a general council on rights, equality, and inclusion.
Statistics Canada’s data the year before showed Jewish Canadians 25 times more likely than other Canadians to experience hate crimes. The Senate human-rights committee tabled a bipartisan report in April recommending that the office be restored. The government has not responded. The office that commissioned the data on Nazi salutes in Ontario classrooms was dismantled by the government that received the data.
The pattern extended beyond the envoy decision. In December of last year, a Conservative Party parliamentary inquiry revealed that the same Liberal Party government had struck an undisclosed settlement with Laith Marouf, a former Canadian Heritage anti-racism consultant. Marouf’s six-figure contract had been pulled in 2022 after the public surfacing of his posts describing Jews as “loud-mouthed bags of human feces” and stating that “Jewish white supremacists” deserved “a bullet to the head.”
The terms of the settlement have not been disclosed.
In early March, three synagogues in the Greater Toronto Area (GTA) were shot at within five days. Two had appeared on a database titled “GTA to IDF,” published in December 2025 by the online magazine The Maple, which catalogued Jewish institutions the author identified as connected to the Israel Defense Forces. The Toronto Police Chief acknowledged at a March press conference that investigators had been aware of the database before the shootings. No charges have been filed against its author, and The Maple has continued publishing through this year.
In Montreal earlier this week, at a pro-Palestinian demonstration that also displayed hanged effigies of Netanyahu, Ben Gvir, and Trump, a kippah-wearing effigy was raised on a pickup truck alongside the flag of the Montreal Canadiens NHL team.
On May 15th, in the Greater Toronto Area, a 14-year-old girl named Esther, on the autism spectrum, went missing from her home in North York. The volunteer search has been operating out of the parking lot of Petah Tikvah Synagogue. A spokesman for Shomrim has told reporters there is no current reason to believe her disappearance is itself antisemitically motivated.
What is antisemitic is that across midtown Toronto, residents have been physically tearing her missing-person flyers off lamp posts. Toronto Police have now confirmed they are receiving reports of the removals. The flyers are coming down because the name on them is Esther and the search is being run out of a synagogue.
The hostage posters in late 2023 were the leading indicator of what was coming; the torn flyer of a missing autistic 14-year-old some 18 months later is the lagging one. Whatever defense was on offer for the first — that the posters were political messaging, or Israeli propaganda, or context for a conflict — is unavailable for the second. The decision to tear the flyer down was a decision about the name on it.
The country my grandparents chose was not a paradise. It was the “none is too many” country, accepting just 5,000 Jewish refugees during the entire Nazi era — the worst record among Western nations. And yet, the achievement of the decades that followed my grandparents’ arrival was that the material my mother grew up with was quietly retired, until being Jewish in Canada became an unremarkable feature of being Canadian.
That achievement is being unmade. The institutions that were supposed to defend it — the unions, the school boards, the federal envoys, the prime ministers — have either operated inside the unmaking or accelerated it.
The friend who told me Jews were cheap, in a Vancouver public high school two decades ago, was repeating something he had heard. I have spent the years since watching what he heard become the country.
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Two million Muslims have ruined it for 400,000 Jews. Let's be blunt, for Jews, the Muslims are a scourge. They ruin our lives wherever they go with their psychotic, genocidal Jew-hatred.
Now that the Liberals have to a large extent absorbed much of the NDP, they can rule forever. Canada will become a one-party leftist state, like North Korea or California. (I kid a little on the second one, but not much.). Poilievre seems like a good guy, but he's too nice a guy to take on the ruthless leftists (redundant, I know) in power in Ottawa.
It might help if Alberta (and Saskatchewan) break away. It would mean the death of Canada, but is the present form of Canada even worth preserving?
I remember someone on X (I think Mark Dubowitz) indicating that Trump should offer refugee asylum to Canadian Jews. It would be a good idea, if for no other reason than the egg it would put on Carney's face.
I do not believe, despite the view of some Israeli officials, that all Canadian Jews (and all Jews in general) moving to Israel is a good idea. Putting all the world's Jews in one place would allow a second Holocaust with just two or three nuclear weapons. In fact, Hassan Nasrallah, Hezbollah leader, before he was killed, explicitly state this. One can assume it is the view of the Mullahs as well. So having Canadian Jews come here, where there are enough of us to put up a fight, would help.
Eli, thank you for expressing so clearly what so many Canadian Jews are feeling but often struggle to put into words.
Unlike you, I did not grow up in Canada. I grew up in the projects in Brooklyn, New York, and came to Canada in 1977. I still remember becoming a Canadian citizen. I remember having tears in my eyes. I loved this country. Canadians were polite, welcoming, decent people. The streets were clean. The society felt civilized and stable. I became deeply patriotic toward Canada and remained that way for decades.
Like you, I experienced occasional antisemitic incidents over the years, but they were always on the margins. They were not mainstream. They were not socially acceptable. They stood out precisely because they were unusual.
That is what has changed.
For me personally, the worst consequence of October 7 was not only what happened in Israel. It was the loss of my faith that Canada and the United States had permanently moved beyond this kind of thing. I am a dual citizen, and October 7 shattered many assumptions I had carried for most of my life.
Ironically, the lesson many Jews seem to be rediscovering is that the only place we can truly call our national home is Israel. I have never even been there, but I now understand in a way I never fully did before why it exists and why it matters. Perhaps that is one of the few positive lessons to emerge from this terrible period.
What also frustrates me is how passive so many of our institutions and communities have become. Demonstrations take place in heavily Jewish neighborhoods. Open hostility is tolerated. Boundaries that would never be accepted elsewhere are simply accepted when directed at Jews. One has to wonder whether this would have been tolerated 30 or 40 years ago.
And that brings me to what I increasingly believe is the central problem: we still lack a unified strategy. Our large organizations remain fragmented, reactive, and hesitant while the challenges become more organized and more aggressive.
I hope that changes before it is too late. But as long as the current political and ideological trends continue, and as long as leaders continue treating antisemitism as a secondary concern, I fear the situation will continue to deteriorate before it improves.